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Titlebook: Snowboarding Bodies in Theory and Practice; Holly Thorpe Book 2011 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2011 chi

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Cultural Boarding Bodies: Status, Style, and Symbolic Capital,ched to bodily forms are critical to many participants’ sense of self. Bernard Rudofsky (1986) reminds us that many of these practices are not new; in fact different cultural or tribal groups have long inscribed their identities on their members’ bodies. However, in contrast to premodern societies,
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Female Boarding Bodies: Betties, Babes, and Bad-Asses,rding (see Anderson, 1999; Thorpe, 2005). Although fewer in number than men, women participated alongside their male counterparts, in such a way that the activity was not ‘burdened with the years of entrenched sexism that plagues most sports’ (Robinson, 2002, p. 4). Since its emergence in the late 1
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Male Boarding Bodies: Pleasure, Pain, and Performance,perceptions were that the activity was for ‘13–18 year olds with raging hormones’ who liked skateboarding and surfing (Hughes, 1988). The distinctive personalities and styles of early male snowboarders certainly contributed to the general public’s perception of the activity and subsequent ‘extreme’
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Transnational Boarding Bodies: Travel, Tourism, and Lifestyle Sport Migration,uit of new terrain, fresh snow, and social interactions and cultural connections. According to the authors of ., ‘Snowboarders are, by definition, travellers. Unless you’re lucky enough to live at the foot of a mountain, the typical snowboarding trip means planning an overseas journey’ (Barr et al.,
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Sensual Snowboarding Bodies in Affective Spaces,a cultural form, it is sometimes ‘easy to forget that these are all epiphenomena’ (Ford & Brown, 2006, p. 149). Boarders frequently reiterate that the embodied and immediate experience of snowboarding is the key to the cultural practice and words cannot articulate the experience. According to one cu
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