| 书目名称 | Physics, Cosmology and Astronomy, 1300–1700: Tension and Accommodation | | 编辑 | Sabetai Unguru | | 视频video | http://file.papertrans.cn/748/747300/747300.mp4 | | 丛书名称 | Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science | | 图书封面 |  | | 描述 | Habent sua Jata colloquia. The present volume has its ongms in a spring 1984 international workshop held, under the auspices of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, by The Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas of Tel-Aviv University in cooperation with The Van Leer Jerusalem Foundation. It contains twelve of the twenty papers presented at the workshop by the twenty-six participants. As Proceedings of conferences go, it is a good representative of the genre, sharing in the main characteristics of its ilk. It may even be one of the rare instances of a book of Proceed ings whose descriptive title applies equally well to the workshop‘s topic and to the interrelations between. the various papers it includes. Tension and Accommodation are the key words. Thus, while John Glucker‘s paper, ‘Images of Plato in Late Antiqu ity,‘ raises, by means of the Platonic example, the problem of interpreta tion of ancient texts, suggesting the assignment of proper weight to the creator of the tradition and not only to his many later interpreters in assessing the proper relationship between originator and commentators, Abraham Wasserstein‘s ‘Hunches that did not come | | 出版日期 | Book 1991 | | 关键词 | Cosmology; Johannes Kepler; Universe; astronomy; natural philosophy | | 版次 | 1 | | doi | https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-3342-5 | | isbn_softcover | 978-94-010-5476-8 | | isbn_ebook | 978-94-011-3342-5Series ISSN 0068-0346 Series E-ISSN 2214-7942 | | issn_series | 0068-0346 | | copyright | Kluwer Academic Publishers 1991 |
| 1 |
Images of Plato in Late Antiquity |
John Glucker |
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Abstract
I have chosen my title quite deliberately, for reasons both subjective and objective. Not ‘. Image of Plato in Late Antiquity’, since it is now a commonplace that at no time has there been anything like one and only kind of Platonism.. Various interpretations of the dialogues existed even among Plato’s own pupils. Aristotle, his pupil for the best part of twenty years, took the creation-myth of the . quite literally as an event in time. Aristotle’s friend Xenocrates — a pupil of Plato ‘from his youth’, who even ‘accompanied him on his trip to Sicily’ (Diog. Laert. IV, 6) and was his successor’s successor as head of the Academy — believed that the myth was merely an ‘analysis for the sake of examination’ (what one could call geometrical construction), and that the world of the . was eternal. So, for that matter, did Xenocrates’ pupil Crantor — but Crantor disagreed with him on the meaning of the creation of the soul in the ... We shall soon see that in late Antiquity there were at least two main ‘images’ of Plato which, even though not mutually exclusive, were not quite the same — and there were also relics, at least, of another image, rejected by the upholders of both, but known to be of an ancient and honourable ancestry.
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| 2 |
Hunches that did not come off: Some Problems in Greek Science |
Abraham Wasserstein |
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Abstract
European science has its origin in Greece. Rationalism, openness to new ideas, the willingness to learn from others, freedom from religious constraints and superstitious fears, flexibility of mind, critical attitudes to tradition, — here is a random list of characteristics said to be common to Greek science and to ours. We have much to thank the Greeks for. Still: the inheritance of Greece has also been a heavy burden on European science. For some of its important legacies to posterity had for many centuries a potently inhibitory effect on scientific thought and enquiry. I need mention only the survival throughout antiquity and the middle ages (almost, though not entirely, without opposition) of such powerful models in astronomy as that of the geocentric universe, or of the circular motions of the heavenly bodies; or of teleology in the biological sciences; or of certain Greek attitudes to work and to the translation of science into technology.
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| 3 |
(AL-)Chemical Foundations for Cosmological Ideas: IBN Sînâ on the Geology of an Eternal World |
Gad Freudenthal |
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Abstract
Historically, the foremost problem of cosmology is arguably that of cosmo., Immanuel Kant still considers the question whether the world had a beginning in time to provide one of the four antinomies of pure reason.. The problem came to a head with Aristotle. In the ancient Mediterranean societies, the idea that the universe came to be after it had not been was never questioned, of course.. Also the Milesian philosophers, followed by Plato, took the coming-to-be of the universe to call for an account. The radically new view according to which the actually existing world may not at all have had a temporal beginning was framed by Aristotle. Not only the underlying matter of the world, he argued, but the world as it ., i.e., with its very structure, has existed since all times: the heavens and all . in the sublunary world, notably the species of plants and animals, are eternal. This set going a heated debate that was to continue for more than two millennia..
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| 4 |
Levi Ben Gerson: On Astronomy and Physical Experiments |
Bernard R. Goldstein |
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Abstract
Levi ben Gerson (1288–1344), sometimes called Gersonides or Leo de Balneolis, is well known as a philosopher, biblical exegete, mathematician, and astronomer. He lived in Orange and occasionally visited Avignon where his brother was physician to the Pope. The family name was de Balneolis, but there is no evidence that he himself was born or ever lived in Bagnols (. Shatzmiller, 1972, 1974). Levi does not cite any contemporaries and little is known of his life. He is mentioned by a few Hebrew writers of the fourteenth century: the astronomer Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils of Tarascon (fl. ca. 1360), who may have been his pupil; the philosopher Judah Cohen (fl. ca. 1320–1350) who called Levi ‘the lion of the group’ (.: Renan, 1893, p. 654); and the physician and historian Isaac de Lattes (fl. ca. 1372: Renan, 1893, pp. 682, 689–90; . Touati, 1973, pp. 541–59).
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| 5 |
The Astronomy of Rabbi Moses Isserles |
Y. Tzvi Langermann |
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Abstract
Rabbi Moses Isserles of Cracow (1525 or 1530–1572) was one of the major figures of Jewish thought in the sixteenth century.. Isserles is best known as a legist and, indeed, many of his rulings remain in force to this day for a large number of Jews. Our study of his astronomy is based on two of his writings: .. (hereafter .), a work of religious thought in which philosophy, physics, and astronomy are all invoked, and a commentary to the Hebrew translation of Georg Peurbach’s .. The first of these works has drawn some attention from scholars, though not from historians of science. The second has never been published and, to the best of my knowledge, the manuscripts have never been the subject of modern investigation.
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| 6 |
Celestial Incorruptibility in Medieval Cosmology 1200–1687 |
Edward Grant |
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Abstract
Prior to the introduction of Aristotle’s physical works into the Latin West during the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, the idea of celestial incorruptibility was probably a minority opinion. It was not uncommon for scholars in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages to assume that the heavens were composed of one or more of the four elements. Since the elements were thought of as changeable entities, those who held that the whole world, including the heavens, was composed of one or more of them were committed, implicitly or explicitly, to the idea of a changeable or corruptible heaven.. The introduction of Latin translations of Aristotle’s works during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries radically altered this tradition. A vital ingredient of Aristotle’s ‘new’ cosmology was the belief in celestial incorruptibility.
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| 7 |
The Oxford Calculators and Mathematical Physics: John Dumbleton’s ,, Parts II and III |
Edith D. Sylla |
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Abstract
What made the Oxford Calculators famous, or infamous, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was their subtlety. In this, although their distinctiveness lay in their use of mathematics within physics, their reputation merged with that of English logicians such as William of Ockham, their work being put along with terminist logic into the general category of ‘Anglican subtleties.’ In recent papers I have tried to show that this linking of mathematical and logical work arose in part because of the importance of certain disputations at Oxford, in particular the disputations . and the disputations that constituted the ‘determinations’ that occurred at the time of the student becoming a bachelor of arts.. Within the context of these student disputations, the Calculators’ facility with mathematics was valued because it provided students with complex, often counterintuitive, results which they might use to defeat their opponents.
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| 8 |
Experiment in Medieval Optics |
Sabetai Unguru |
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Abstract
Two caveats: 1. ‘Medieval Optics’ is construed for the sake of this paper to mean thirteenth century optical thought as reflected in Witelo’s .. 2. My examples are drawn mostly from Books II and III of the .. The first warning is not as limitative as it may superficially appear. After all, the . is an encyclopedic treatise, synthesizing the best and most up-to-date information on optical matters available in the West, which it presents in as exhaustive a manner as possible, even when this leads to verbosity and looseness of demonstration, and at a relatively high level of technical sophistication. The second cautionary call is indeed confining but far from lethal. It is my feeling that Books II and III are truly representative of Witelo’s attitude toward experiment, as can be seen easily by glancing through the other seven books of this great compilation.
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| 9 |
The New Celestial Physics of Johannes Kepler |
Fritz Krafft |
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Abstract
The endeavour to discover the divine harmony of the cosmos as the reason for number, size and movement of the planetary orbits was henceforth the objective of Johannes Kepler’s scientific lifework. This he expressed as the impetus and objective of his studies in the foreword to his first work, the .. However, this harmony, set ., was not limited to mathematical proportions — in this he differs radically from Plato and the Pythagoreans, whom he took as examples; for him mathematical proportions were only an expression of the divine will of creation, as principles of order in a . world, which were observed in a natural way. In other words, Kepler wanted to make astronomy again into harmonics, as well as into physics. Up to that time the three disciplines were separated from, and conflicting with, each other. He wanted to combine them into one synthesis.
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| 10 |
Kepler and the Incorporeality of Light |
David C. Lindberg |
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Abstract
It is my purpose in this paper to explore Johannes Kepler’s ideas about the nature of light. It is my premise that we can succeed in this venture only if we go to the trouble of viewing Kepler’s theory against the background of the ancient and medieval optical tradition, which formed its immediate historical context. One reason for past failures is that we have inspected Kepler from the perspective of Newton or the present, rather than that of Aristotle or Plotinus or Roger Bacon. We have been so impressed with Kepler’s optical successes, in devising a new theory of vision, solving the ancient problem of the ., and formulating a geometrical theory of the telescope, that we have expended little effort in discovering whence they came or what they meant in the context of the optical tradition. Yet surely it was by grappling with the past — attempting to come to terms with the ideas of his predecessors, to separate the gold from the dross in ancient and medieval optical theory, to introduce clarity and precision, and to adjust existing theory to the teachings of sense, intellect, and philosophical presupposition — that Kepler fashioned his own theory. In short, Kepler’s achievement can be fully appreciated only if viewed within a disciplinary tradition. This will not strike historians as a novel thesis; the novelty will come if we put it into practice.
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| 11 |
One Truth or More? Demarcation in the Universe of Discourse |
John D. North |
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Abstract
There emerged in the course of cosmological discussion in the Middle Ages a strategy of argument that may be described as ‘intellectual pacifism.’ This took several forms. The best known was the doctrine ascribed, rightly or wrongly, to Averroes and his followers, namely that there are two sorts of truth, one philosophical, the other theological. This was supposedly worked out to reconcile propositions that were at first sight inconsistent. There were indeed, then as now, a number of different sorts of intellectual demarcation with this end in view, and they deserve closer attention than they are usually given. Why did some sorts of conceptual inconsistency or incompatibility seem relatively unimportant, while others were thought so serious that communication was deemed more or less impossible across a subject boundary? Two themes in particular will be used here as illustration, namely creation and eternity.
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| 12 |
Science at the Tuscan Court, 1642–1667 |
Michael Segre |
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Abstract
The scientific revolution of the seventeenth century was rooted in the Italian Renaissance, and was undoubtedly initiated by Galileo. Yet, after Galileo’s death, Italy ceased to be the main centre of this revolution and the focus of scientific activity moved to the other side of the Alps.
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