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Thomas Bruns,Frank Marcinkowskiies; and (2) the very development process, both form and spread, in a democratic society. Some pertinent questions from an economic perspective would be:.What would be the secular behaviour of wealth and income distribution during the development process?.How far would this pattern differ in a conte
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-18804-1eenth century.. These debates have often been fiercely fought. From the watershed 1834 Poor Law in England and Charles Dickens’s workhouses for the indigent poor through the variants of social policy that evolved in continental Europe (Bismarckian versus social democratic approaches to entitlements)
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-11082-8t that GDP growth has accelerated. The rate of GDP growth has consistently been above five per cent during the last two decades (Nagaraj, in this volume). India is the 12th largest economy in the world in terms of GDP and is also one of the fastest growing economies in the world today (World Bank, 2
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-86101-6o major forms of state witnessed in the capitalist world during the twentieth century — the welfare state in advanced industrial countries and developmental state in the global South. The former has largely been an accompaniment to the onset of social democracy during the inter-war period, though ea
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80374-0ndia has shifted from a reluctant pro-capitalist state with a socialist ideology to an enthusiastic pro-capitalist state with some commitment to inclusive growth. This shift has significant implications for the possibility of development with redistribution in India. On the one hand, state’s warm em
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Politische Identität und Soziales Europalso believed that social development would improve in some proportion to the rise in per capita income; as the demand for social services increases; and as governments acquire a rising share of output as taxes, their ability to augment social services would go up.
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