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Titlebook: German Ideologies Since 1945; Studies in the Polit Jan-Werner Müller Book 2003 Jan-Werner Müller 2003 Ideologie.labour movement.nation.Poli

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Introduction: Putting German Political Thought in Context the late nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century?. Or did they? How has political thought developed in Germany since 1945, the supposed “zero hour” in modern German history? What have been the contours of the new German post-war ideologies that have replaced the Germanic ideo
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Habermas’ Reconstruction of West German Post-War Law and the , Controversynfront in an apparently rather abrupt manner the predicament of law in an industrial democracy. While other Fordist-democratic regimes were able to adapt somewhat gradually to the consequences of an increasingly interventionist state in the twentieth century, or even manage to conceal such consequen
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The Westernization of the Political Thought of the West German Labor Movemental argument here is that this transformation of West German labor, which became manifest in the new programs of the Social Democratic Party and the German Trade Union Federation, in the Godesberg program of 1959 and the Düsseldorf program of 1963 respectively, and which also had a profound impact on
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Post-War Ideologies and the Body Politics of 1968lvement in the sexual revolution of the 1960s–1970s. Most of the recent publications about 1968 as a historical watershed have ignored or downplayed the New Left’s sexual politics, but in so doing they have missed the opportunity to gain a deepened understanding of the original motive forces of the
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From the Conservative Revolution to Technocratic Conservatismnges, and chances has never been put forward more fervently than in the German case. Assessments of German history were obsessed with stating peculiarities or ., to use one of the most prominent terms. From a distance, however, it becomes obvious that political and social developments in Germany wer
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German Neo-Conservatism, ca. 1968–1985: Hermann Lübbe and Othersders of the existing order, in the face of a radical challenge.. That is hardly surprising: Most intellectual conservatism has been neo-conservatism, since the rationale for existing institutions comes to require articulation only when those institutions are under attack.. The institutions that cons
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