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Titlebook: Europe, the USA and Political Islam; Strategies for Engag Michelle Pace (Senior Lecturer) Book 2011 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmi

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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-38552-4 ‘moderate’ Islamists with whom the West can engage. Although there is a lot of debate about the need to bring Islamists into a dialogue about democracy, democracy promotion and political reform, very few efforts have been devoted to ideas about what this would mean in practical terms: Who are the m
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-91615-1mic rights (freedom of speech, religious tolerance and protection of private property), a well-functioning market economy and the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces. In short, democracy is often understood as ‘liberal’ democracy. Since the end of the Cold War, the European
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-33100-2cy movement during Ahmadinezhad’s presidency. Secondly, Iran’s indigenous democracy movement, based on its own historical experience, whatever form it may take, should be allowed to develop organically from within Iran. This is because it has its own agenda and aspirations, one of which is anti-impe
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-36845-9ed, had established a camp to train young women to become suicide bombers against the Israeli occupation. According to a BBC correspondent: ‘The use of Palestinian women as suicide bombers was once thought of as immodest — and therefore un-Islamic — but that changed, the militant groups say, because
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Physikalische Messungen an Emulsionen,ropean Union (EU)’s strategic and funding priorities in the area of democracy and human rights assistance. The EU’s approach to democracy promotion was thus marked not by a military posture (in the words of Chris Patten, the EU’s external relations Commissioner from 1999 to 2004: not to be ‘imposed
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-91784-4al debates in US foreign policy’. The debate (which Satloff sums up in the question ‘How did we lose Iran?’) was seen as at once providing a fascinating intellectual challenge and carrying great risks for senior bureaucrats where providing the wrong answers could destroy careers (Satloff, 1997, pp.
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,Zur Häufigkeit der Sonnenflecken,ngage with ‘Islamist’ movements. Whilst in the past these were largely considered to be academic questions, with little policy relevance, in the aftermath of 11 September 2001 they have become central themes in discussions of US-Middle East and North African (MENA) relations. Notably, they are centr
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