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Titlebook: Social Protest, Violence & Terror in Nineteenth- & Twentieth-Century Europe; Wolfgang J. Mommsen (Professor of History, Directo Book 1982

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Collective Violent Protest during the German ,y confirmed in National Socialism. The following relatively non-violent 1950s and 1960s with the establishment of democratic forms of participation and an unprecedented economic boom gave little occasion in the Federal Republic for concern with violent mass action. The use of violence in the politic
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Political and Economic Terror in the Tactics of the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party before 19sassinations in the early years of the twentieth century. Their victims were carefully chosen as particularly repressive figures from the Tsarist bureaucracy; they included the Ministers of Internal Affairs, D. S. Sipyagin and V. K. Plehve; and the Tsar’s uncle, the governor-general of Moscow, Grand
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,The Terrorist Strategies of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in Russia, 1900–14,thin the Russian revolutionary movement at the beginning of the twentieth century. It differed from the Social Democrats not only in its subjectivist social theory, which held the initiative of the ‘creative individual’ (P. L. Lavrov, N. K. Mikhailovsky) to be the driving force of the historical pro
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Nationalist Violence and Terror in the Spanish Border Provinces: ETA,bination with a movement towards nationalist autonomy — or separation — seems to be new. My task here will be to provide an analytical outline of the disintegrative trends in the Spanish unitary state by looking at regional processes of segregation, confining myself however to the two most significa
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Traditions of Violence in the Irish National Movement,g the most spectacular acts of political violence committed in the United Kingdom during the nineteenth century.. The bomb explosion in London, intended to free imprisoned Irish nationalists, killed twelve people and injured more than a hundred. In Phoenix Park both the newly appointed Chief Secreta
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Violence and Terror in Twentieth-Century Ireland: IRB and IRA,Its experience has been unusual on two counts. With rare exceptions the aim of such groups has been purely nationalist and political, they have had little interest in ideological, social or economic questions; and, again with rare exceptions, they have belonged to what was effectively one organisati
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Syndicalism, Strikes and Revolutionary Action in France,d for the class struggle, and the strike is the most common weapon.’ Thus two French historians of the labour movement, one sympathetic, the other hostile, writing in the first decade of this century when revolutionary syndicalism appeared to dominate French trade unions.
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