书目名称 | Religious Internationals in the Modern World | 副标题 | Globalization and Fa | 编辑 | Abigail Green (CUF Lecturer and Fellow in Modern H | 视频video | http://file.papertrans.cn/827/826728/826728.mp4 | 丛书名称 | Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series | 图书封面 |  | 描述 | Tracing the emergence of ‘Religious Internationals‘ as a distinctive new phenomenon in world history, this book transforms our understanding of the role of religion in our modern world. Through in-depth studies comparing the experiences of Buddhists, Christians, Hindus, Jews and Muslims, leading experts shed new light on ‘global civil society‘. | 出版日期 | Book 2012 | 关键词 | globalization; history; Islam; religion; society; world history | 版次 | 1 | doi | https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137031716 | isbn_softcover | 978-1-349-34006-4 | isbn_ebook | 978-1-137-03171-6Series ISSN 2634-6273 Series E-ISSN 2634-6281 | issn_series | 2634-6273 | copyright | Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2012 |
1 |
Front Matter |
|
|
Abstract
|
2 |
Introduction: Rethinking Religion and Globalization |
Abigail Green,Vincent Viaene |
|
Abstract
The role of religion in international politics has brought the globalization of religious ideologies and identities to the top of the twenty-first-century agenda. The central idea behind this book is that the globalization and politicization of traditional religious identities is a historical phenomenon with deep roots in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The world’s major religions have always defied territorial or ethnic boundaries, but it is our contention that the modern era saw the emergence of a new and distinctive phenomenon: the religious international.
|
3 |
|
|
|
Abstract
|
4 |
The Protestant International |
Christopher Clark,Michael Ledger-Lomas |
|
Abstract
Since the Reformation, the idea of internationalism has broadcast an alluring but intermittent message to Protestants, like a radio station with infectious tunes but a narrow frequency band. Although the Reformation was from its inception a continental and then a transatlantic movement spread by exiles and their books, it is important not to assume but to explain why Protestants developed consciously international structures. For much of the early modern period, ‘Protestant’ was more a heuristic term than a collective noun: the first loyalty of many Protestants was to established, territorial churches and to states rather than to an invisible church of true believers. This chapter argues that the rise of the Protestant International was intimately connected with an evangelical revival centred in the Atlantic world, which promoted and benefited from an expansion in print culture, the movement of peoples and the rise of civil society. The revival was initially not so much international as transnational, or oblivious to national boundaries. It exploited and reacted against ‘archaic globalization’: competition between states whose ethos was dynastic and multiethnic rather than national
|
5 |
Old Networks, New Connections: The Emergence of the Jewish International |
Abigail Green |
|
Abstract
How can we conceptualize the sheer diversity of Jewish experience in the nineteenth century? An earlier generation of historians turned to the Zionist national narrative, with its emphasis on the unique historical destiny of the Jewish people and the unity of their experience through the ages. Thus the Jerusalem School saw modern Jewish history in terms of the catastrophic impact of the nation-state on traditional Jewish communal and religious structures, as a result of emancipation, assimilation, and their by-product, secularization.. The opposition between ‘modernizers’ and ‘traditionalists’ in the Jewish world is a fundamental tension within this narrative – a tension only resolved by the Zionist movement, which promised a fusion between the aspirations of the modernizers and the ethnoreligious cultural identity of the traditionalists. This version of Jewish history has been attacked for homogenizing a wide range of experiences and contexts. Most obviously, it privileges the history of European Jewry at the expense of the Jews of Muslim lands.. Even within Europe, the viability of this overarching narrative has been brought into question by revisionist historians who emphasize n
|
6 |
Nineteenth-Century Catholic Internationalism and Its Predecessors |
Vincent Viaene |
|
Abstract
‘The pope: how many divisions?’ We all know Stalin’s rhetorical question. What he meant, of course, was that the pope has no divisions and is therefore of no consequence in the world of power politics. Such ‘realism’ was long the dominant outlook of political scientists and international historians on Catholicism, and on religion generally. On this point at least, an A. J. P. Taylor or a HansMorgenthau would have agreed with Stalin. Since then, we have had Samuel Huntington’s conversion on the road to Damascus, and realists have attempted to reappropriate religion. Sociologists always took a bit more note but, following the Gospel according to Max Weber, prophesied religion’s ‘rationalization’ or marginalization as a force in civil society. Now that the demise of religion is not expected anytime soon, some (like Peter Berger) grade it on the scale of ‘the Protestant ethic’: Pentecostalism A, Catholicism B minus, Islam D..
|
7 |
The Islamic World: World System to ‘Religious International’ |
Francis Robinson |
|
Abstract
I am concerned to consider how, over the past two hundred years, aspects of Muslim piety and Muslim worldviews have come to be refashioned with the aim of seeing in what way Muslims might have come to form a ‘religious international’. I start from the position that theMuslim world has always been a form of international; it was the world system which preceded the Western world system, as Janet Abu-Lughod has so rightly described it.. This world system was held together by the long-distance trade across land and sea and by the connections of ulama and Sufis (learned and holy men) fromWest Africa through to Southeast Asia and China, which formed the arteries and veins along which the life-giving blood of Islamic knowledge flowed and along which new ideas might travel. It was supported by one of the five pillars of Islam, the requirement that believers should perform the pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in their lifetime. During the eighteenth century this world system was beginning to experience a process of religious reform which arguably was to fashion the most important religious change of the Islamic era. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries this process came to interact wi
|
8 |
|
|
|
Abstract
|
9 |
Nationalism versus Internationalism: Russian Orthodoxy in Nineteenth-Century Palestine |
Simon Dixon |
|
Abstract
Anxious to advertise Orthodoxy’s global reach, the influential Synodal official Andrei Nikolaevich Murav’ev (1806–74) opened his . in 1838 by boasting that the Eastern Church could ‘count her children’ from the Adriatic to the Pacific and ‘from the icefields which grind against the Solovetsky Monastery on its savage islet in the North to the heart of the Arabian and Egyptian deserts, on the verge of which stands the Lavra of Sinai’.. Later in the century, changing international borders made the diaspora seem even wider. After the Alaska Purchase in 1867 opened up a new episode in the Russian missionary presence established on Kodiak Island in 1794, the Orthodox community stretched from Abyssinia to the North American Arctic..
|
10 |
Muslim Internationalism between Empire and Nation-State |
Amira K. Bennison |
|
Abstract
In keeping with other world religions, Islam had a universalist profile from the outset. Although the caliphate, a universalist religiopolitical institution, ceased to actually govern more than a small portion of the Islamic world quite early on, the expansion of Arabic as a lingua franca and centripetal religious impulses such as the annual pilgrimage and the search for knowledge (.) undertaken by scholars created a startlingly well-integrated society which transcended the political boundaries of the time.. Although this society was primarily an elite one, the ., the universal community of all Muslims, existed in the imagination of Muslims from every walk of life.
|
11 |
Religious Internationalism in the Jewish Diaspora – Tunis at the Dawn of the Colonial Period |
Yaron Tsur |
|
Abstract
This chapter deals with the early evolution of Jewish internationalism from the perspective of one of North Africa’s most important Jewish communities – Tunis. Through its history we shall encounter the key centres of the Jewish International, and explore the motivation behind transcommunal action. Western Jewry led the new course in Jewish history, but subsequently new forms of Jewish internationalism sprang up in Eastern Europe: the demographic centre of the Jewish diaspora. How did these initial developments spread to communities in Asia and Africa? How did non-European Jews react to them? And to what extent did they develop their own preferences in modern Jewish transcommunal relations? The story of Tunis’s Jewish community does not provide a general answer to these questions, but it does open a window onto the effect exerted by early Jewish internationalism in non-European communities during the second half of the nineteenth century. Moreover, in this formative period, Tunisia became an arena for Western competition – followed by competition within the Jewish community between the different nationalist orientations of European Jews and their developing intercommunal tools. As
|
12 |
Transnational Buddhist Activists in the Era of Empires |
Adam Yuet Chau |
|
Abstract
This chapter is about the ways in which religious activists populated and mobilized transnational pathways in an era when expansive empires opened new pathways, widened and reconfigured pre-existing ones, and facilitated their traversing for a wide variety of not only ideas, discourses, institutions, commodities and technologies but also social actors (e.g. merchants, capitalists, labourers, bankers, explorers, adventurers, treasure-hunters, fundraisers, ideologues, revolutionaries, propagandists, scholars, students, militarists, colonial officers, soldiers, sex workers, conference-goers, world exhibition-goers, tourists, Christian and Buddhist missionaries, relic traffickers, pilgrims, cosmopolitans, exiles, refugees etc.). The key images and words in this narrative are ‘flows’, ‘encounters’, ‘congresses’, ‘mergers’, ‘taking advantage’, ‘collaboration’, ‘collusion’, ‘elective affinities’, ‘mistaken identities’ and ‘resistance.’ By ‘the era of empires’, for the purpose of my chapter, I mean specifically the period between the middle of the nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth century, when an imperially ambitious Japan, tutored by, yet aiming to better, Western imperi
|
13 |
|
|
|
Abstract
|
14 |
The Hadhrami , and the Evolution of an Islamic Religious International, c.1750s to 1930s |
William G. Clarence-Smith |
|
Abstract
Modern scholars have tended to neglect the role of descendants of the Prophet Muhammad when considering the intricate transnational networks that developed over the centuries in Islam. They have paid more attention to schools of law, sects, mystical brotherhoods and pilgrims. Earlier generations of scholars, however, were keenly attuned to the significance of the genealogical charisma of the lineage of the Prophet, and the subject is coming back into vogue..
|
15 |
A Religious International in Southeastern Europe? |
Paschalis M. Kitromilides |
|
Abstract
To talk of an Orthodox ‘religious international’ emanating from Southeastern Europe before the end of the Cold War would require excessive imagination. The overall historical trend shaping the religious scene in this part of Europe since the early nineteenth century has been the phenomenal growth of ‘national Orthodoxies’, which attached religion to the nation states of the Balkans and served faithfully their nationalist projects. This of course was a nineteenth-century development and it should not obscure an earlier history extending throughout the early modern period, from the fall of Constantinople in 1453 to the advent of the age of nationalism, during which the Orthodox Church did function as a transnational and transcultural religious institution. In that earlier period in its history the Orthodox Church united under its pastoral care the multilingual Orthodox population of the Balkans and Asia Minor within the Ottoman Empire and also the dense network of Orthodox diaspora communities in Italy, Central and Western Europe and Russia. All these populations came under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople which exercised its pastoral care through a broad networ
|
16 |
Activism as Engine: Jewish Internationalism, 1880s–1980s |
Jonathan Dekel-Chen |
|
Abstract
This essay proposes what may seem to some an outlandish idea, namely that the emergence of modern Jewish internationalism had little to do with conceptions of nationhood or even Judaism. It was not a religious movement in the conventional sense, nor was it a relatively abstract, imagined community of the type described by Benedict Anderson.. Rather, the spread of transnational ties across class, ethnic and denominational lines was a product of the practice of philanthropy and advocacy begun in the mid-nineteenth century. This internationalism can be defined as a sort of peoplehood (. in Hebrew), reflected and forged by increasing circles of activism for one’s coreligionists, strikingly similar to the Islamic . examined by Francis Robinson and Amira Bennison elsewhere in this volume. To borrow a term from Robinson, Jewish internationalism is a community of opinion; to refine it further, it is a community of action informed by a vague communal and traditional religious consciousness.
|
17 |
Protestant Ecclesiastical Internationals |
James C. Kennedy |
|
Abstract
In featuring as its cover story the 1961 gathering of the Third Assembly of the World Council of Churches in New Delhi, the American news weekly . was chiefly impressed with the challenges and difficulties facing the churches seeking ecumenical unity:
|
18 |
From State to Civil Society and Back Again: The Catholic Church as Transnational Actor, 1965–2005 |
R. Scott Appleby |
|
Abstract
The Roman Catholic Church in the twentieth century was a ‘religious international’ by any definition of the term. First, the Church is itself a transnational, global religious body that maintains formal relations with nations abroad, especially through diplomatic relations with the Holy See. The popes from John XXIII (1958–63; b.1881) through Benedict XVI (2005–; b.1927) have seen the Church as an international actor uniquely situated to work for global unity. The Church also includes within the fold semi-autonomous transnational movements that are fluid, mobile and only informally related to local churches. In the period under review in this chapter the Vatican itself began to conceptualize ‘Catholic power’ as rooted in and guaranteed by the Church’s evolution as a transnational civil society – or at least as a leavening agent for civil society in numerous emerging and established democracies.
|
19 |
The Global Sangh Parivar: A Study of Contemporary International Hinduism |
Christophe Jaffrelot,Ingrid Therwath |
|
Abstract
The Sangh Parivar, a network of organizations articulated around the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS – National Volunteer Corps), has become over the years a global movement propagating a Hindu nationalist agenda. As such, it links and imbricates transnationalism and nationalism. Hindu nationalism is an exclusive form of ethnoreligious nationalism which thrived in the first years of the twentieth century in reaction to the ‘threat’ theWest (Christian missionaries as well as British colonizers) and the Muslim minority (allegedly related to a pan-Islamic movement rooted in the Middle East) were according to its leaders posing to the Hindus. It was and still is very much linked to the soil of India and is not naturally inclined to overflow India’s borders. Its deep-seated ethnoreligious nature coincides with a people and a civilization. It is indissociable from a territory, the ‘sacred’ land of ‘eternal’ India. However, over the years, the Sangh Parivar developed the idea of a global Hinduism that transcends the physical frontiers of India and reaches out to the diaspora, thus operating a shift from an ethnoterritorial to a more purely ethnic base – a development related to the growt
|
20 |
Back Matter |
|
|
Abstract
|
|
|