Titlebook: Making Democratic Citizens in Spain; Civil Society and th Pamela Beth Radcliff Book 2011 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publis

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,“Measuring” Civil Society: The Scope and Vitality of the New Associational Milieu,e of what Victor Pérez Díaz famously labeled the “return of civil society”.. However, Pérez Díaz’ book was more suggestive than definitive, and scholars have been debating ever since about the vibrancy of the emerging civil society under the Franco regime and thus, implicitly, its contribution to th

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Gender and the Role of Women in the Associational Milieu,larly perceptions of women’s place in the associations. Women joined both the . and the Family Associations (usually through the.), and thus contributed to the vibrancy and diversity of the associational milieu. At the same time, their contribution has generally been ignored or marginalized, both by

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,“What is a Family Association?”: The Civic Discourse of ,iscursive phenomenon that came to be labeled the ., or simply ... Through internal publications, regional and national conferences, general press coverage, and the national network of Movimiento personnel, the thousands of individual family associations became discursively linked in a broader projec

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Women and ,: The Civic Discourse of the Homemaker Associations,heir role in the lives of their members as well as the larger society.. Through articles in local newspapers, associational bulletins, correspondence between local and national officials, and local, regional, and national conferences, participants in the AAC movement constituted their own discursive

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,The Civic Discourse of the Neighborhood Associations of Madrid: From Community Improvement to “Citi with building horizontal ties and establishing a vertical working relationship with the state in order to achieve their goals of improving the collective quality of life in their towns and neighborhoods.

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,The Civic Community in Practice: Family and Neighborhood Associations as “Schools of Democracy”,d some women joined family or neighborhood associations around the country, and for these members the associations were sites in which they could “perform” civic participation in concrete collective behaviors and acts.

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Conclusion/Epilogue,, not the beginning of the story. Thus, the story began in the early 1960s, when a complex set of conditions opened a new space for voluntary community associations to (re)create a culture of pluralist civic participation. The space opened at the intersection between a shifting regime coalition, the

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