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Titlebook: Living Fanon; Global Perspectives Nigel C. Gibson Book 2011 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Nature America Inc. 2011 Africa.colonialism.E

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Fanon and the Possibility of Postcolonial Critical Imagination,tised for distinguishing “our Fanon,” the Fanon of the postcolony, from the Fanon who informs the preoccupations of critics in these other places, the Fanon of “postcolonialism.” It is as if I meant by that distinction to espouse a kind of possessive individualism with respect to the intellectual ar
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,The Great White Error and the Great Black Mirage: Frantz Fanon’s Critical Philosophy of Race,to say, he did not abandon the concept of race altogether as so many of his contemporaries did on the grounds that it was not supported by the scientists, nor did he embrace the new anthropological notion of culture purified of any reference to race that lay at the basis of the new account of ethnic
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,The Times and Spaces of (De-)Colonization: Fanon’s Countercolonialism, Then and Now,in social theory. For Ed Soja and Barbara Hooper in particular, Fanon was an early thinker of “the spatialization of cultural politics” and can be understood, . Bhabha, as an embryonic thinker of “third space,” that space of “hybridity” where “everything comes together” in an “all-inclusive simultan
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,Fanon and the Women of the Colonies against the White Man’s Burden, divisions and hierarchical organizations in which each person’s fate—according to the category in which they are placed, and the interests that they serve—is meant to depend entirely upon foreign powers. These politics are achieved on the basis of sexual differentiations. Thus, the colony talks out
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Wretchedness, 1970:56). Because violence is “by nature instrumental” (it can overthrow the colonial rulers), Arendt argues, violence is always a threat to power: “Violence appears where power is in jeopardy, but left to its own course it ends in power’s disappearance” (1970:51, 56). In Fanon, of course, violence
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Fanon and the Land Question in (Post)Apartheid South Africa,rote this chapter with postapartheid “New South Africa” in mind. I argue, in this chapter, that the problem for South Africa can fundamentally be traced to the distinction Fanon consistently makes in both . and . and later in .—the distinction between “pseudo-independence” or “flag-independence” and
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Introduction: Living Fanon?,nderstanding Fanon’s thought, his humanism, and his revolutionary commitment. And . expresses the multifaceted and contradictory dimensions of life, a life that Fanon, in his final year, declared was dedicated to an Africa “in motion behind revolutionary principles” (1967b:177). To catch the motion
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