Titlebook: Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39; The Moral Economy of Christopher J. V. Loughlin Book 2018 The Editor(s) (if appl

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Medicaid

Christopher J. V. LoughlinOffers the first account of the interwar Belfast labour movement ‘from below‘.Challenges existing accounts which asserted the centrality of religion and sectarian conflict in the establishment of Nort

使乳化

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Mendicant

Infect

sclera

Belfast Labour, Nationalism and Sectarianism,revious analysis—which has over-emphasised the ‘failure’ of labour in policy and electoral terms—on the politics of identity, nationality and sectarianism in the city. The first section is concerned with discussion of the politics of identity, nationality and sectarianism. It assesses the inter-war

SUGAR

,Building the ‘Great March’ of Progress,nment levels, in 1921–39. The party never had more than a single-figure level of councillors on Belfast Corporation or more than three MPs in the Northern Ireland parliament. This vote, however, was significantly under-represented because of the ‘winner takes all’ nature of simple plurality voting.

cultivated

,Labour, Law and the State in Northern Ireland, 1921–39,cial Powers Act (first passed in 1922 and a permanent act from 1933) and the Trade Disputes Act (1927) were both legislated by the inter-war Ulster Unionist Party government of Northern Ireland. Labour activists suffered political discrimination, while they were intimidated through the legislation a

笨重

Women and Belfast Labour Politics,amines the social, economic and political position of women locally and how Belfast labour constructed understandings of sexual division and the ‘masculine’ and the ‘feminine’. The chapter also examines the recent analysis of gender in Northern Ireland by Sean Brady and Jane G.V. McGaughey and their

摇摆

Conclusion: Belfast Labour, Civil Rights and the Politics of Disloyalty,lly, Labour and class politics could not have overturned the Ulster Unionist Party’s dominance. Decisions made in London resulted in a regionalised state and a peculiar political culture. In this regionalised culture, the power holders became self-perpetuating and utilised an essentially plebiscitar