| 书目名称 | Historical Reflections on Central Europe | | 编辑 | Stanislav J. Kirschbaum (Professor of Internationa | | 视频video | | | 丛书名称 | International Council for Central and East European Studies | | 图书封面 |  | | 描述 | This valuable collection of essays makes a scholarly contribution to our knowledge of Central and Eastern European history. With ground-breaking contributions from international scholars such as Philip Longworth and Piotr Gorecki, this volume is an essential text for anyone studying or generally interested in understanding the development of the post-Communist world. | | 出版日期 | Book 1999 | | 关键词 | Adolf Hitler; communism; democracy; Europe; European history; history; Hungary; migration; Poland; revolution | | 版次 | 1 | | doi | https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27112-2 | | isbn_ebook | 978-1-349-27112-2Series ISSN 2947-1567 Series E-ISSN 2947-1575 | | issn_series | 2947-1567 | | copyright | Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 1999 |
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Front Matter |
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Abstract
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,Introduction, |
Stanislav J. Kirschbaum |
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Abstract
In the years that separate the publication of my first volume of selected papers of the Third World Congress for Soviet and East European Studies, held in Washington, DC, and this volume, both the area and the field of study have undergone significant change. The first volume encompassed topics relating to what was then called the Soviet or Communist bloc, a defmition that included the Soviet Union and the states of Eastern Europe. Despite the divergence of topics, there was one theme that brought them together, namely the need to respond to Marxist historiography and the Marxist approach to history. The response was not necessarily negative; but one was nevertheless needed. As I wrote then: ‘when one looks at the history and the politics of East Europe, it is clear that neither set formulae nor set interpretations suffice to help our understanding of the area. We are constantly called upon to revise our knowledge and our understanding of its history and politics.’. The papers in that volume sought to revise various interpretations of East European history. But the Cold War was still on and ideological imperatives tended to weigh more heavily than the need for a detached re-assessm
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,Legitimacy and Myth in Central and Eastern Europe, |
Philip Longworth |
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Abstract
The subject of legitimacy is well-trodden ground for political scientists, philosophers and sociologists, as the functions of myth are for anthropologists. Historians have also considered these subjects, not least in respect of Eastern Europe, though their contributions are scattered. But little attention has been paid to the broad issues of long-term changes and continuities in the methods of political legitimisation, and of the use of myths for legitimating purposes in eastern Europe. This chapter addresses the gap in the literature, offering a preliminary sketch of the major trends and tendencies since the Byzantine period.
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,Community, Memory and Law in Medieval Poland, |
Piotr Górecki |
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Abstract
One of the interesting issues in recent historiography is the formation and functions of social groups in the legal system of medieval society, espe-cially in the establishment and maintenance of memory relevant to law and dispute.. In the context of early medieval Poland, these areas of interest have until recently focused on the ‘neighbourhood’, that elusive social and settlement grouping attested in the written sources as the . or the ., and presumed to have constituted the most local unit of royal, ducal and seigneurial authority.. In general, Polish historians have portrayed the ‘neighbourhood’, and other units of territory and settlement, as essentially aspects of the history of early statecraft. This rather formalist approach has tended to deflect attention from several informal but important features of the ‘neighbourhood’ and other settlement groups, including their formation and recruitment, and their possible functions as communities of memory.. More generally, emphasis on formal statecraft has deflected attention from the significance of collective memory, local and otherwise, in the legal system of medieval Poland in the early thirteenth century.. In this chapter, I sh
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,Boundary Delimitation in Medieval Poland, |
Grzegorz Myśliwski |
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Abstract
The socio-cultural background of boundary delimitation in medieval Poland with special attention to the consequences of the proliferation of artificial linear boundaries is a subject that has not been the object of much study in history works. Yet it is important to examine this background if we are to understand some of the changes that took place in medieval Poland. The term . refers to a material reality whereby space is organised and to a notion used to construct a view of the world. The rise and spread of boundary delineation clearly followed several socioeconomic processes that affected the Polish provinces between the eleventh and the sixteenth centuries: demographic growth, the emergence and development of ecclesiastical and private land property, various settlement movements, deforestation of vast areas, the foundation of numerous villages and towns under German law, and, during the late Middle Ages, an increase in land transactions. These changes began in Silesia, Little Poland, and Great Poland, and reached Pomerania and Masovia later.. This chapter looks at the socio-cultural context of these delineations.
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,The Construction and Deconstruction of Nineteenth-Century Polish Liberalism, |
Brian A. Porter |
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Abstract
Liberalism did not fare well in nineteenth-century Poland. There were, of course, several noteworthy Polish liberals, but there was nothing approaching the sustained liberal hegemony that existed elsewhere in Europe. For only a few brief years in the 1870s and 1880s did a group of liberals known as the Warsaw positivists dominate the intellectual landscape of the Russian partition.. Soon, however, the tone of the liberal press turned from aggressive and polemical to defensive and apologetic, as a new generation shifted towards both the socialist left and the nationalist right. By the time Poland regained its independence in 1918 there was no major political party which could be described as unambiguously liberal. Many individual liberals tried to influence public policy, but the socialists, populists and nationalists competed for the privilege of claiming the era as their own. There are many reasons why liberalism could not be sustained as a political force in Poland, and most of them may appear obvious. The stereotypical base for a liberal movement, an urban bourgeoisie, was notoriously weak; the Catholic church was both influential and conservative; and the early twentieth centur
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,T.G. Masaryk’s ,: A Reinterpretation, |
Francesco Leoncini |
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Abstract
Is Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk’s . (The New Europe: A Slavic Point of View), published in 1920, still relevant today?. It is a work where he not only justified the need to destroy the Austro-Hungarian Empire because it had proved incapable of transforming itself into a federation of equal nations, but where he also predicted a Europe united by liberalism and democracy, founded on the right of selfdetermination for all nations and on minority rights, freed from German and Tsarist domination, and organised in a supranational community. It was to be a Europe in which newly created states, like Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia, played a fundamental role, joined together in an anti-German front, but also pursuing their own independent policies.
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,Czechoslovakia and the Anti-Hitler Emigrants, 1933–39, |
Fred Hahn |
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Abstract
The appointment of Adolf Hitler as Chancellor of the German Republic in January 1933 came as a shock to many Germans, yet it was widely believed that his government would not last longer than a few weeks and that he would be forced to resign just as the previous chancellors had been forced to do. The National Socialist Party had lost votes in the previous elections and the Communist and Socialist opposition were determined to defeat their archenemy. Hitler’s appointment also stunned many in Czechoslovakia. Few could believe that this uneducated, opportunistic agitator and his unemployed adventurers could form the government of Germany. Most Czechs, however, had not read ., while demo-cratic Germans living in Czechoslovakia ridiculed the book. Yet in it, Hit-ler indicated that he despised democracy and when he came to power, despite promises to respect the Constitution, he had it changed to rule dic-tatorially and legalise a regime of terror and the persecution of his adversaries.
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,Polonia and Polish Emigration in Polish Communist Propaganda, |
Anna Reczyńska |
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Abstract
From the moment there was a break in Polish-Soviet relations in April 1943, Polish Communists denied the Polish government-in-exile the right to represent Polish interests and also the right to return to Poland after the war.. However, the Communist authorities that came to power in Poland in mid-1944 had to work out a policy with regard to the great masses of refugees, the soldiers fighting in the west, and the Polonia (the term denotes Poles and people of Polish origin living abroad) circles created by the ‘old’, pre-war, emigration. The latter backed the Polish government in London and collaborated with it during the war. Winning the support of at least part of the Polish community in exile gave the Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego (Polish Committee of National Liberation), the first Polish Communist government, at least the weight of partial legitimisation. This chapter looks at how the Communist Polish government approached the issue of Polish emigration in the post-war years.
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,The Communist ‘Polonia’ Society and Polish Communities in the West, |
Jan Lencznarowicz |
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Abstract
Towarzystwo Łączności z Wychodźstwem ‘Polonia’. (Society for Contact with the Emigrants ‘Polonia’), renamed in 1959 Towarzystwo Łączności z Polonią Zagraniczną Polonia’ (Society for Contact with Poles Abroad Polonia’) was established in Warsaw on 18 October 1955. Until 24 March 1990, when it was decided at its seventh congress to dissolve the organi-sation, the ‘Polonia’ Society, as it became known, carried on its activities among Poles and people of Polish origin mainly in Western Europe, North and South America, and Australia. It had few contacts with Polish groups in communist countries and it was not until the 1980s that it established closer ties with some Polish conununities and individuals in the Soviet Union. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the role of the ‘Polonia’ Society in the context of the Polish People’s Republic’s policies towards Polish emigrants and people of Polish origin in the West.
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,Václav Havel and the Ideal of Democracy, |
Marie L. Neudorfl |
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Abstract
The course of the Czechoslovak Velvet Revolution in November 1989, carried out in the name of democracy and the best Czechoslovak modern political traditions, makes highly justified the investigation of Václav Havel’s political thoughts before and after the revolution. He became not only the first president of a renewed Czechoslovak democracy, but he became known, both at home and abroad, for his demand for close ties between politics and morality. The purpose of this paper is to look at Havel’s political thinking and assess its nature and overall impact.
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,The Social and Political Contributions of Theatre to the Czechoslovak Revolution of 1989, |
Janet Savin |
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Abstract
When special forces attacked a student demonstration on 17 November 1989 in Prague, the reaction of the demonstration’s organisers was instantaneous: dialogue with the regime was impossible and the only appropriate response was to strike.. Students from the Theatre Faculty of the Academy of Performing Arts. who were present during the attack went straight to theatres in the vicinity and also to others further from the city centre, determined to enlist their support in a strike effort. When actors and directors heard accounts of the beatings and the students’ expectations of support, they began contacting colleagues, making use of the telephone network which had developed over the preceding summer. to convene a meeting for this purpose.
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,Trade Union Configurations Transformation Policies in Poland Hungary, |
Rainer Deppe,Melanie Tatur |
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Abstract
In the negative argument by analogy with the development patterns of Westem capitalism, the references to the East-Central European processes of transformation speak of the ‘dilemma of simultaneity’. and the central problem of ‘asynchronism’.. These terms denote far-reaching paradoxes and enormous obstructive potentials which arise from the uniqueness of historical events. Whereas ‘asynchronism’ refers to the dramatic diffi-culties connected with the differing speed in time of the transformation in politics, the economy and society, the ‘dilemma of simultaneity’ points to the structural incompatibilities and deficits for the protagonists that relate to the simultaneous transition to political democracy and a market economy. The paradigm of the reform elite assumes that the market economy not only presupposes political democracy, but is in fact indispensable for its consolidation. However, democratic regimes have been considered possibly unsuitable or indeed dysfunctional for the establishment of ‘dynamic market systems’, because their implementation could in turn undermine political democracy.
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,Tripartism in Slovakia: Actors and Strategies, |
Monika Čambáliková |
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Abstract
When the period of rapid social change that included the transformation of the political system got under way in Czechoslovakia after the ‘velvet revolution’ of November 1989, there emerged a certain institutional vacuum in social and economic activity. The newly, and often rapidly, created political parties and other organisations sought to fill this vacuum and to take the place of hitherto non-existent intermediary structures. It is in this context that an institution of social partnership at the macro-level — the so-called . — was established. In the five years following the start of that process, some of these intermediary structures crystallised, and the actors mediating group interests in society also defined themselves.
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,Social Partnership in the Czech Republic, |
Zdenka Mansfeldová |
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Abstract
Since 1989, Czechoslovakia, later the Czech Republic, together with other countries in Central and Eastern Europe, has been faced with a whole range of problems closely connected in the realm of public policy and policy making. These countries are expected to pass not only from totalitarianism to a pluralistic society and representative democracy but also from a centrally controlled economy to a market one. Reform strategy, which has meant rapid privatisation, the liberalisation of prices (a strategy called ‘shock therapy’) and an invitation to foreign capital investment, has needed a certain political and institutional background not only to solve expected problems but above all to make reform socially acceptable and bearable. However, the necessary intermediary structures were not yet fully established at the beginning of this transformation process. The institutional vacuum was filled by new political parties and other institutions which became substitutes for the non-existent intermediary structures. In these conditions, the federal government and the two national governments decided to co-operate with the trade unions and with newly established small business unions in an inst
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,Federalism and Nationalism in Yugoslavia, |
Robin Alison Remington |
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Abstract
In 1989, people throughout East Central Europe just said ‘no’ to Commu-nist Parties and governments trying to navigate their own ship of state in the wake of the Soviet power struggle set off by Mikhail Gorbachev in the name of . and .’. In February, the Hungarian Central Committee caved in to popular pressure for a multi-party system. Polish voters sent the same message in the June election. Throughout the summer, East Germans voted with their feet across the border from Hungary into Austria and into West German embassies in Prague and Warsaw.
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Back Matter |
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Abstract
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发表于 2025-3-21 19:54:37
