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Public Opinion and Security Matters in Europe |
Philippe Manigart,Eric Marlier |
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The emergence of a new world system is challenging European nations to fundamentally rethink the roles and structures of the institutions that have channelled their economic growth, secured their well-being, and guaranteed their security over the past 50 years. Most prominent among these institutions are the Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. In this chapter, we address more specifically the way Europeans perceive the problem of adapting and enlarging NATO and the development of a European security and defence identity. Public opinion with regard to policymaking is of particular relevance given that ‘the public’s view generally defines the acceptable bounds of politics, within which political elites can resolve the remaining controversies’.. Although room for elite manoeuvre is probably greater in the security domain than in other political domains,. security policy in recent years has more and more been shaped by the pressures of the mass media and of public opinion,. as the examples of Somalia and ex-Yugoslavia clearly show.
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Problems of Transformation of the Defence Establishments in Central and Eastern Europe |
Wolfgang Manig |
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A public relations officer of the US forces used to ask students the following question: ‘What is the purpose of an army?’ The audience was regularly surprised to hear his answer: ‘To kill people and destroy property — in great numbers.’ This statement leads us to two conclusions: Firstly, armed forces are a tool of war, but do not start war themselves; secondly, they are a dangerous instrument in the hands of those who control them.
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The Russian Threat — Real or Imaginary? |
Olga Alexandrova |
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After the 1996 presidential elections one may ask whether the question ‘Is there a Russian threat?’ is still relevant. However, the short history of Russian politics after 1991 is marked by abrupt ups and downs. It has nurtured scepticism among Western analysts about the prospects for the transition to democracy and a market economy as well as about Russian foreign policy. Thus, it is good advice to be sober in evaluating Russia’s future development. Boris Yeltsin’s re-election as President of the Russian Federation has been assessed in the West as a further step towards democratization which, in turn, opens the prospect of working relations with the West. However, democratization alone may not necessarily promote harmony between Russia and the West and guarantee Russia’s benign policy towards its ‘internal abroad’ (subjects of the Russian Federation), ‘near abroad’ (former Soviet republics and newly independent states), and the outside world.
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European Security and the Mediterranean |
Carlos Echeverria Jesus |
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The Mediterranean is a strategic crossroads where East meets West, and North meets South. In purely geographic terms, the region may be analysed by subdividing the Mediterranean into sub-areas: Maghreb (Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia), Mashreq (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria), and others (Balkans, Cyprus, Israel, Malta and Turkey). The latter is a kind of residual group, having no clear systemic characteristics. These sub-areas share a socio-economic common denominator; the Mediterranean and the Middle East are two regions interrelated in economic, political and strategic terms. The end of the East—West conflict in Europe and the beginning of peacebuilding in the Middle East have brought the two regions closer to each other. Turkey’s relationship with the European Union (EU) is as ambivalent as with the Balkans, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East. Israel, whose network of interaction with the Jewish diaspora multiplies its political and economic weight and its influence, still receives the biggest amount of US military aid in the region.
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The European Union and Nuclear Weapons: Considerations on the European Option and Nuclear Nonprolife |
Harald Müller |
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In signing the NPT, all non-nuclear-weapon states members to the NPT made the reservation that nothing in this Treaty should impede further European integration.
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The European Arms Trade: Trends and Patterns |
Ian Anthony,Gerd Hagmeyer-Gaverus |
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During the East—West conflict the pattern of the international arms trade was dominated by the bipolar structure of the international system. The United States and the Soviet Union, the dominant actors from a supplier perspective, used arms transfers as well as other forms of military assistance as elements in their wider strategic and political competition. Arms transfers were used to boost the military capabilities of allies and to cement relations with states that remained outside the framework of alliances but that were considered to be of strategic importance.
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On the Necessity of a European Defence Industry |
Alessandro Politi |
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‘Dead man walking.’ The customary prisoners’ cry to indicate an inmate being led to execution is probably a concise way to describe the present situation of the European Defence Industrial and Technological Base (DITB). Unless bold political decisions are taken, this DITB will not withstand the triple pressure of declining defence budgets, increased US competition and national political resistance to integration. This chapter will argue the need for this industry, analyse the fundamental political dilemmas, discuss the changes of the European DITB and finally indicate which should be the most effective steps to enhance European capabilities.
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Inter-Institutional Security Co-operation in Europe: Past, Present and Perspectives |
Zdzislaw Lachowski,Adam Daniel Rotfeld |
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After the collapse of the bipolar system in 1989–90, great hopes were pinned on multilateral institutions as key players in managing international security relations in Europe. With time these expectations have become more realistic in the face of the evident limitations of European institutions and the nature of developments in Europe. It is worth considering the role, place and impact of these organizations on the process of shaping a new security system, and in this context, considering the degree to which the existing international structures are adequate to new needs and challenges. In recent years statesmen, diplomats and scholars have devoted a great deal of attention to the question of a new ‘security landscape’. One can be fairly sceptical about this effort for several reasons.
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The Role of the EU and WEU in European Security |
Fraser Cameron |
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The role of the EU and WEU in European security is evolving rapidly, partly as a result of external and internal developments. On the external front, the end of the East-West conflict has led to major changes in the Atlantic Alliance, including a significant reduction in US forces in Europe and a determination to build up a European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI), an aim reinforced by the decisions of the NATO ministerial meeting in Berlin in June 1996. On the internal front, the EU committed itself under the Maastricht Treaty on European Union to establish a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) with the aim of a common defence policy ‘which might in time lead to a common defence’. The WEU was seen as the instrument through which the EU would develop its defence capability. Disputes within the EU over foreign and security policy were only partially resolved at Maastricht and hence it was agreed to review CFSP during the Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) which opened in Turin on 29 March 1996.
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Co-operative Security in the OSCE Framework: CSBMs, Emergency Mechanisms and Conflict Prevention |
Heinz Vetschera |
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In general terms, security means the relative absence of threat. In international relations, security can be identified as the relative absence of the threat of armed conflict (war).. Security rests both on political stability and on military stability. Political stability means that there is no incentive for armed conflict on the political level. Military stability means that no state could hope to gain reasonable results by employing military force. Political and military stability are complementary to each other.. As political stability may decrease or increase in short cycles, maintaining military stability has always been a crucial issue for regional security.
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The Human Dimension of the OSCE: The ODIHR in Warsaw |
Audrey F. Glover |
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The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) began in 1972 as a multilateral forum for communication and co-operation between East and West. At the outset it consisted of 35 countries in Europe and North America. The CSCE process started as an institution of the East-West conflict. Its main aim from the Western point of view was a gradual elimination of Europe’s artificial barriers. The Eastern European states had a different view. They regarded it as an official recognition of the territorial . in Europe, something long sought by the former Soviet Union especially. As might be expected in such a setting the group of neutral and non-aligned CSCE states played a useful role as bridge-builders to broaden contact and facilitate agreements between East and West.
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Chances and Perspectives of a Regional Security Community in East Central Europe |
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European Contributions to Global Security |
Michael Pugh |
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Europeans cannot insulate themselves from processes of transnationalization, globalization and the evolution of the international system as a whole. It is becoming axiomatic that security has to be conceptualized not only in national and regional terms but in global terms as well. Regionalism can complement, but not substitute for, global security. Rather than attempting a comprehensive study of Europe’s contributions to the ideals and practice of global security, this chapter suggests a general framework for assessing them, together with a few detailed examples. The framework is based on three interrelated contributions: the . (Europe’s own security development and its relationship to the international system as a whole); . (the influence of deliberate physical and intellectual endeavour by people and institutions to affect global governance); and . (the extent to which developments within Europe have acted as reference points or models). It is not the intention here to enter the ‘agent—structure’ debate in international relations theory,. but we begin with the systematic, structural impact because it is more amenable to generalization, and because the relationship between develop
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European Security in an Unsafe World |
Wilfried von Bredow,Thomas Jäger,Gerhard Kümmel |
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It has become a truism that the parameters for European security have changed fundamentally since the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the course of this event, which amounted to nothing less than the revocation of the Russian Revolution of 1917, the spectre of global nuclear annihilation vanished and the European states system as well as the international system at large underwent major changes. The former Communist states (re-)gained their sovereignty and mostly aimed at establishing pluralist democracies and efficient market economies. This met with promising results of democratization processes in various parts of the world and an improved stance of the United Nations in world politics. Some took these phenomena to announce the end of history; others thought that the millennium of the democratic peace was in the process of being installed, a (brave?) new world order in which the United Nations could presumably be turned into a world government.
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Back Matter |
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发表于 2025-3-21 17:30:00
