Titlebook: Elections and Democracy after Communism?; Erik S. Herron Book 2009 Erik Herron 2009 communism.democracy.Direct democracy.election.election

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书目名称Elections and Democracy after Communism?被引频次学科排名




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书目名称Elections and Democracy after Communism?读者反馈学科排名

Vulnerable

Elections under Soviet Authoritarianism,l institutions bear similarities to their Soviet-era counterparts, some voters seem to be habituated to casting ballots even when their votes are not meaningful, and some politicians rhetorically recall the power of the Soviet era. This chapter describes the common starting point for all of the coun

OPINE

Electoral System Design and Redesign,e attention to the development and conduct of elections. As Chapters 1 and 2 revealed, even though elections in the USSR did not function like those in democratic societies, Soviet leaders created an elaborate elections infrastructure that performed many of the same functions as its democratic count

没血色

Citizens and the Incentives to Vote,ng station’s doors were scheduled to open. Over the course of the day, almost two million fellow citizens (88 percent of registered voters) followed their lead, visiting polling stations and dropping sealed ballots into clear plastic urns. The eventual winner, garnering 97 percent of the vote, was t

opprobrious

Seizure

Referendums as Direct Democracy,ir Putin’s rule. Nearly two months before election day, parliamentary speaker Boris Gryzlov announced that “we are in fact not conducting parliamentary elections, but a referendum on confidence in the president” (Rosbalt Information Agency 2007). United Russia’s political advertisements reminded Rus

Seizure

limber

Assessing Election Quality,ing democracy. The “Colored Revolutions” that swept out the corrupt leaderships of Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan from 2003 to 2005 were sparked by evidence that systematic fraud substantially influenced election results. Post-“revolutionary” politics in these countries has diverged, with Ukraine

沉积物

Commonplace

Conclusion,991, the Soviet Union’s collapse introduced fifteen newly independent states with little experience in managing competitive politics and elections. While Estonia and Latvia initially stumbled in efforts to address integration of the Russophone population, all three Baltic states moved steadily towar