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Titlebook: Destructive Coordination, Anfal and Islamic Political Capitalism; A New Reading of Con Mehrdad Vahabi Book 2023 The Editor(s) (if applicabl

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Six Degrees of Videogame Narrative dynamic of social order. Two broad approaches have been distinguished in explaining this dynamic: economic and institutional. The Marxian concept of ‘modes of production’ provides an economic explanation of social crisis based on productive forces. In this approach, institutional factors play a sec
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Ben Schouten,Stephen Fedtke,Alex Gekkertween property and sovereignty as a fundamental institution of market capitalism characterized by free labor, impersonal markets, and modern corporation. By contrast, political capitalism preceding historically market capitalism lacks such a demarcation and pertains to profit-making through predator
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02897-8on and institutional complementarity since 1979 until the privatization decree in July 2006. In the interregnum between Anfal in Khomeini’s era (1979–1989) and its unprecedented extension in Khamenei’s time (2006 until now), the economic holdings belonging to Anfal and the Sepah took roots and enlar
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E.P. Braad,J. Folkerts,N. Jonker non-state sectors during Hashemi Rafsanjani and Khatami presidencies. Then I will focus on objectives, process, and outcome of Khamenei’s ‘privatization’ decree in light of historical world-wide experiences of privatization since 1979. Identifying ‘non-state public sector’ as the principal benefici
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Jens Hoheisel,Frithjof Weber,Gert Windhoffsult of the vicegerent), (2) ., and (3) destructive coordination. These institutions determine (4) the typical behavioral regularity of economic agents, namely capital and labor flight, and (5) a chronic hoarding economy as normal state of the system. The interplay between ‘mode of coordination’ and
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Jens Hoheisel,Frithjof Weber,Gert Windhoffamic neoliberalism). This system is based on three fundamental institutions, namely Velayat faqih, Anfal, and destructive coordination (parallel institutions). The non-reformability of the Islamic political capitalism is closely related to its inner coherence; reforms do not remove the fundamental p
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