书目名称 | Common Good Politics | 副标题 | British Idealism and | 编辑 | Colin Tyler | 视频video | http://file.papertrans.cn/231/230280/230280.mp4 | 概述 | Applies the principles and practices of common good politics to contemporary issues, enabling the reader to reflect on the tradition’s implications today.Offers a relevant contribution to discussions | 图书封面 |  | 描述 | .This book examines the British tradition of common good politics, both historically and in the contemporary world. We live in a time when many anti-Conservative parties and voters feel a profound sense of crisis and disorientation over political principles and policy directions. As a result, many people are turning to common good politics as an alternative to state-centred socialism and laissez-faire individualism. Colin Tyler explores the practical and intellectual history of the British idealist tradition, which flourished from the 1870s to the 1920s, before applying the principles of common good politics to contemporary issues. These issues include the positive roles that can be played by conflict within democratic societies, the radical demands of social justice in a diverse world, the continuing influence of Bush’s ‘war on terror’, international society and free speech under Tony Blair and David Cameron, and the relationships between economic migration, social justice and the common good. The book will appeal particularly to students and scholars interested in British politics, internationalism and political theory.. | 出版日期 | Book 2017 | 关键词 | Agonism; capitalism; civil society; conflict; economic migration; freedom; New Liberalism; war on terror; so | 版次 | 1 | doi | https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32404-3 | isbn_softcover | 978-3-319-81276-2 | isbn_ebook | 978-3-319-32404-3 | copyright | The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 |
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Front Matter |
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,Introduction: British Idealism and Contemporary Common Good Politics, |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter introduces British idealism and the New Liberalism to which it led in the opening years of the twentieth century, through political thinkers such as Leonard Trelawney Hobhouse and John Atkinson Hobson and UK prime ministers such as Sir Henry Campbell-Banner and H.H. Asquith. It analyses the neglected links between social justice and social labour, emphasising the systematic nature of oppression. It examines the leading forms of common good politics as those are defended by the Roman Catholic Church and the Blue Labour movement. In opposition to these conservative forms of common good politics, the discussion turns to the more radical approach which is developed by the British idealists and New Liberals. Finally, the chapter outlines the contents of the remainder of the book.
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The Liberal Hegelianism of Edward Caird: Or, How to Transcend the Social Economics of Kant and the R |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter examines the social economics of the British idealist philosopher and social reformer Edward Caird. It shows that Caird developed a distinctive form of liberal Hegelianism out of his critical responses to Kant, the romantic tradition of Rousseau, Goethe and Wordsworth, and to Hegel himself. It presents a philosophical reconstruction of Caird’s social economics that is based on a close reading of a very wide range of Caird’s writings including his recently published lectures on social ethics and political economy. It becomes clear how Caird’s theory of historical development underpinned his writings on the social impacts of economic activity.
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Contesting the Common Good: T.H. Green and Contemporary Republicanism |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter sets out the philosophical heart of the British idealist tradition of common good politics in Thomas Hill Green’s political writings. It sketches the various forms of republicanism at play in contemporary philosophical discussions of republicanism. Green’s conceptualisations of true freedom and intersubjective recognition are shown to be superior to the conceptions used by contemporary philosophers. It analyses personal freedom and collective life, before turning to Greenian civic virtue and its interrelationships with personal freedom. Democratic contestability of the ‘common good’ is explored, before Green’s decentralised political structure is analysed, as is his radical theory of patriotism and civil disobedience. Green’s republicanism is shown to be more coherent, integrated and compelling than the leading contemporary versions.
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‘This Dangerous Drug of Violence’: Bernard Bosanquet’s Common Good Theory of Punishment |
Colin Tyler |
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H.L.A. Hart’s theory of punishment is used to help explain the ways in which Bernard Bosanquet incorporates retribution, deterrence and reform into his common good-based theory of punishment. Hart’s framework is shown to miss certain crucial elements of Bosanquet’s theory: punishment as the community’s expression of its values and punishment as the communication to the criminal of the authority of those fundamental values. Hence, Bosanquet’s common good theory of punishment combines concerns with retribution, deterrence, reform, expression and communication in unique ways that both respect the individual and support the collective life of the community.
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J.A. Hobson’s New Liberal Social Economics and the ‘Organic Conception of World-politics’ |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter examines J.A. Hobson’s New Liberalism and the ‘organic conception of world-politics’. Hobson is shown to have influenced economists and revolutionaries, including Corbyn, Keynes, Kroptkin and Lenin. His conception of the individual’s relationship to the ‘social organism’ is analysed, as are his Ruskinian conceptions of ‘wealth’, ‘value’ and ‘social utility’. His analysis is extended and it is shown that his social economics was central to his theory of state action. Then, the discussion considers the international role of the Hobsonian state. It is shown that his theory of imperialism lays the basis for his constructive approach to international relations, which seeks to create a reformed League of Nations that supports disadvantaged nations and creates the conditions under which their communities can flourish.
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Power, Alienation and Community in Capitalist Societies |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter uses a British idealist form of social theory to develop a model of human agency in capitalist societies and considers what a free community would look like under capitalism. It considers the problem of third-dimensional power as developed by Steven Lukes, focusing on the relationships between universal human needs and social forms. Next, it uses the concepts of the ‘self’, ‘I’ and ‘person’ to characterise the relationships between human nature, affect, individual alienation, social institutions and personal judgement. Alienation is argued to be inherent in human agency, rather than being solely created by capitalism. This analysis helps to develop an agonal theory of civil society driven by the individual’s performative participation in associations that compete within institutional settings. Finally, the political ramifications of this model are explored, rejecting contemporary constitutionalist approaches in favour of a revised form of pluralist associationalism.
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Rethinking the International Economic Architecture |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter recalls the link between social labour, social justice and the common good. Section two reconsiders the international dimensions of Hobson’s social economics. Section three analyses Hobson’s scheme in light of the structures and dynamics of want-creation and personality formation. It is argued that, beyond the basic levels required for continued physical existence, many resources that individuals need are culturally conditioned. Following Michael Walzer, it is argued that the meanings of these resources are generated through participation within cultural structures, and that it is by constructing lives which are infused with those meanings that individuals can come to live lives that they value. Finally, it uses Bosanquet’s theory of institutions as ‘ethical ideas’ to sketch a multilevel international framework in which such meanings can be negotiated and revised.
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‘History’s Actors’: The ‘War on Terror’ and George W. Bush’s Assault on International Society |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter analyses the effects of George W. Bush’s ‘war on terror’ on international society. Noting some of the key ambiguities within the claim that the ‘United States of America’ sought to prosecute the ‘war on terror’, the agents of the ‘war’ are examined, and particularly the central role played by the neo-conservative Project for the American Century. Constructivist and English School international relations theory is used to analyse state authority in international society, emphasising international recognition in the power-institutions relationship. It is shown that the construction and dynamics of international society reflect normative considerations, although a crucial role is played also by self-interested state power. Power is confused and problematised by institutional divisions within states. It is argued that the transformation of terrorists into intrinsically evil, non-human beings is too simple and dangerous.
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Blair’s Legacy: ‘International Community’, Domestic (In)security and the Continuing Erosion of Civil |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter traces the development of Blair’s position on international society, emphasising the normative underpinnings which he stressed throughout his premiership. It uses a common good approach to analyse the economic dimensions of Blair’s doctrine, as that was presented by Gordon Brown from his time as Chancellor of the Exchequer up to the present day. Central here is Brown’s ‘new Marshall Plan’, a programme which is assessed in relation to the ongoing negotiations surrounding the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Finally, this chapter explores the implications of UK government’s continuing attacks on civil liberties, many of which have been justified through tacit appeals to Blair’s model and by extension to Bush’s doctrine of international relations.
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Economic Migration, Social Justice and the Common Good: A Public Lecture |
Colin Tyler |
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This chapter asks whether concerns regarding social justice and the common good justify a liberal attitude towards economic migration. It surveys UK attitudes towards economic migration and explains how to retain a radical common good approach after rejecting static notions of cultural integrity. It argues that populations do not deserve the benefits accruing from economic structures which their ancestors built, and that international exploitation weakens claims that a domestic population deserves its wealth. Nevertheless, it is argued that unrestricted labour mobility for individuals neglects the social nature of labour. Such mobility distorts the emigrants’ home economies and harms the inhabitants who lack the resources to emigrate. It is argued that the globally wealthy have a very demanding duty to compensate the globally poor, whether the latter are found in poor or wealthy countries.
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Back Matter |
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