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Titlebook: Security Problems and Policies in the Post-Cold War Caribbean; Jorge Rodríguez Beruff (Professor),Humberto García Book 1996 Palgrave Macmi

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2662-2483 on recent research on the radically transformed regional situation in the post Cold-War context. Particular emphasis is placed on the formulation of security policies by the most relevant security actors, including both external powers present in the region, independent states and subregional groupi
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Introductionthe connotation of rupture and fundamental change, the need to place the analysis of regional developments in the context of global change, and serves to focus our analysis on the period from the late eighties to the present (as well as on current identifiable tendencies towards the end of the mille
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French Presence and Strategic Interests in the Caribbeanoncerns seem circumscribed to an area comprising Europe, the Middle East and Africa. Its presence throughout the world today - correlated by a planetary military deployment. - attests to such an international vocation. It is certainly far less considerable than in the past when France constituted a
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Britain and the Commonwealth Caribbeane of British policy towards the region was the continuation of the long process of withdrawal first set in motion with the creation of the Federation of the West Indies in 1958. By the end of the 1980s not only had this policy been halted but elements of a selective re-engagement in the region were
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Canada and Caribbean Securitye nature of Canadian interests in the area, and recent trends in this field. It takes as a starting point that the region is not a key security zone for Canada, that it has never been, and that it is unlikely to become one, except in unlikely contexts as much related to Canada’s growing role in Lati
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Cuba’s Security in the 1990sthe attainment of the revolution’s project at this stage. The specific issue is strategically to re-route the country’s economy to ensure its re-insertion in the international economy, particularly taking advantage of already existing spaces - or creating them - in order to promote integration with
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The US-Cuba Strategic Gamek that an American President like Bill Clinton - the eighth President who has had to deal with Fidel Castro - can suddenly change a policy that has been predominant for more than three decades. Similarly, it is not realistic to expect that the Cuban leader will take gladly and passively to the hopes
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