Amnesty
发表于 2025-3-27 00:36:14
http://reply.papertrans.cn/84/8324/832327/832327_31.png
BOLUS
发表于 2025-3-27 01:31:16
http://reply.papertrans.cn/84/8324/832327/832327_32.png
混合物
发表于 2025-3-27 07:10:17
http://reply.papertrans.cn/84/8324/832327/832327_33.png
commute
发表于 2025-3-27 11:24:17
http://reply.papertrans.cn/84/8324/832327/832327_34.png
大方一点
发表于 2025-3-27 14:22:11
,Russian-European Security Interaction and the Idea of Great Powerhood Between 1991–1999,ment of Russia’s identity was to gain recognition of Europe. Driven by this need, Moscow treated various European state and non-state actors as True, False, Sinful, or Civilising Europe and pursued corresponding policy options, which ranged from extremely collaborative to indifference and competition.
搏斗
发表于 2025-3-27 20:32:59
,Reinvention of Europe and EU-Russia Relations in Putin’s Era 2000–2010,n, which was seen as naïve and incompetent Civilising Europe. Russia thus had to adopt policies that would help to “normalize” the EU to the level of True Europe, which would recognise Russia’s right to change the fates of nations. By looking closely at conflict resolution negotiations I identify a three-fold tactic deployed to “educate Europe”.
Diverticulitis
发表于 2025-3-27 23:11:21
,“Black Swan”: New Greatness, False Europe and the Ukraine Crisis (2002–2014),h triggered the most conflictual geo-economic interpretations in the Kremlin. In the chapter I will show how practical and representational elements of identity can explain specific moves in Russian foreign policy, including differences between its policy in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine.
漂白
发表于 2025-3-28 02:49:50
http://reply.papertrans.cn/84/8324/832327/832327_38.png
GEST
发表于 2025-3-28 07:34:48
978-3-319-84815-0The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017
nitric-oxide
发表于 2025-3-28 12:17:25
http://reply.papertrans.cn/84/8324/832327/832327_40.png